Akwamozu, the traditional funeral rite performed in Igbo land

The Igbos strongly believe in life after physical death. Akwamozu is one of the ways we express that strong belief. Akwamozu can be said to be the Igbo traditional funeral rite performed when an Igbo adult person dies in order to facilitate a smooth transition of the departed soul into the ethereal world or the world beyond our physical senses – the other side of life.

While Ili ozu (burial proper) is marked by sorrows and mourning, akwamozu is usually a feast to bid a departed soul “Safe trip” into the beyond.

Traditionally, Igbos do not perform akwamozu rites for every deceased Igbo person. For instance, we don’t perform akwamozu rites when a child dies, because we believe the soul of that child has not yet unfolded on earth like that of an adult. This means, in Igbo cultural belief system, the soul of a child is predominantly still anchored in the beyond from where it came. The soul is unfolded and anchored within our physical world only when the child reaches full maturity on earth as either a man or a woman. Unless a soul attains that unfolding and anchorage can that soul be held responsibility for his or her deeds while on earth. Only on that condition can akwamozu rites become a necessity when an Igbo person is deceased.

Other examples of categories of people we don’t honour with akwamozu when they die are; those who drowned in deep waters, those who died through suicide, and those marked as unrepentant evil persons while there were alive on earth. The corpse of those who die by any of those means are not buried but thrown into an evil forest.

Like other aspects of Igbo culture, we do not perform the akwamozu rite the same way in all Igbo communities. Also, the akwamozu rite for a rich and great man is not the same for a pauper. However, today, let’s highlight those basic aspects of akwamozu that must be performed irrespective of the socio-economic status of the deceased person or, the community he/she hails from:

Planning:
Akwamozu is an expensive affair in Igbo land. For that reason, careful plan is designed by the deceased’s relative in order to gather items needed for the akwamozu.

Announcement of Date:
This involves sending out messages to inform friends, in-laws, associates and well-wishers of the deceased that a date slated for the performance of akwamozu rites has been chosen and fixed. Obituary posters are produced and distributed as direct invitations to friends and well-wisher and the general public, but the use of obituary posters alone are not to be seen as sufficient for inviting people for akwamozu. Word-of-mouth invitation especially among neighbours or close friends is very important.

Wake Keep:
The night preceding the date fixed for formal condolence visit to the deceased’s family is the wake keep night. A little feast is usually organized at the deceased person’s family compound. Several dance groups and masquerades are also invited to perform their acts and arts all through that night which heralds formal condolence visit.

Formal Condolence visitation by In-laws, Friends, and Well-wishers:
On the day following the night of wake keep, as from around 10 am, visitor’s, in-laws, friends, well-wishers etc are all expected to come to the deceased’s family home with all manner of condolence gifts; cow, goat, local wrapper, drinks etc depending on the socio-economic status of the deceased.

Akwamozu Proper:
Akwamozu proper is the chief traditional rite in Igbo funerals. It is a very significant rite, because it entails the making of a formal separation between the departed soul and people still leaving on earth. It is usually a small and private activity but a very spiritual and culturally important one. It is carried out on the 12th day or, 3 exact weeks (according to Igbo calendar) after the day of formal condolence visitation by friends, in-laws, and well-wishers.

Culled from odindigbo page.

Taking a female chieftaincy title in Igbo land

Taking a female chieftaincy title in Igbo land used to be a practice exclusively reserved for wealthy, married, and elderly women. But these days, age is no longer a criteria as younger women with sound education, success in politics or business, and high corporate achievements are allowed to  take up female chieftaincy titles.

When a woman wants to take up a female chieftaincy title in Igbo land, she must buy several items such as coco-yams, kola-nuts,  pepper etc which she must take, in addition to a substantial amount of money, to the league of female chiefs in her husband’s community informing them of her desire to join them. This initial expression of desire to become a female chief must be done through the leader of the league of female chiefs in the community.

The leader of the league of female chiefs in the community summons a meeting of the league, and during the meeting, the items and money brought by the aspirant is shared and distributed among members of the group according to hierarchy (which means that leaders will receive a slightly higher portion than others) after they have certified her worthy of taking up a female chieftaincy title in line with the peculiar traditional standard operational in that particular community.

At such a meeting, the aspirant for the female chieftaincy title will take charge of providing and assortment of drinks for refreshment. After this initial meeting, the aspirant will sponsor a second meeting, and provide more items – tubers of yam, bags of salt, drinks, etc for distribution to members of the league of female chiefs. The reason for the stringent screening and presentation of gift items before a woman can take up a female chieftaincy title in Igbo land is to ensure she has the financial and material means to cater for other less privileged women, children and orphans when times become hard in the community.

If any female aspirant can prove herself worthy of this high calling, she can then be given the right to take up a female chieftaincy title in her husband’s community. This implies she will receive the right to assume a new name that fits her nature and how she wants the community to perceive her.

Afterwards, private activities are performed by the aspirant and other female chiefs before she is publicly presented to the public through a formal ceremony.

During the formal presentation of the new female chief to the public, she is expected to perform a majestic dance in public twice, with other female chiefs of the community who received portions of the gift she brought to their league singing and dancing behind her to show their support and solidarity.

Who sponsors the public presentation ceremony? It is the new female chief that does so.

From that day of the public presentation, the new female chieftaincy title holder in Igbo land is expected to support, help, and promote the efforts of the male chiefs towards ensuring the survival and progress of their community.

Most  wealthy men in Igbo land, when taking up chieftaincy titles for themselves in their various communities also sponsor their wives for a female chieftaincy title too. In the end, male chiefs in Igbo land feel proud when they and their wives are addressed “Chief and Chief Mrs…”in public.

Igbo culture recognizes women as equal entities to men but of a different specie. That is why female chiefs are equally celebrated and respected in Igbo land.

Finally, despite the perceived equalities Igbo culture holds for men and women, female chieftaincy title holders cannot partake in traditional activities reserved for men such as breaking of kola-nuts, going for war, climbing palm trees, performing masquerades etc. So, also are male chiefs forbidden from meddling in activities and functions exclusively reserved for females.

Ritual Aesthetics of Mbaise – Igbo Funeral through Eshe Performance art

Ritual Aesthetics of Mbaise – Igbo Funeral through Eshe Performance art

By MCPHILIPS NWACHUKWU

Death among the Mbaise-Igbo of Nigeria like in other culture areas of Nigeria is a phenomenon that has deep symbolic implication between the living and the dead. Among Mbaise-Igbo, the occasion of death like the occasion of birth is celebrated with deep emotional attachment.

However, the celebration of death, as a rite of passage to the metaphysical world, is more fundamentally accorded a heightened ritual elevation, especially to that deceased parent, who apart from having lived to a good old age, had also, lived a fruitful and well accomplished life, such that the impact of his spent life is felt not only by his family, but also, by the larger members of his community.

Having lived such a fulfilled life, coupled with the people's belief in ancestral power relation between the dead and living and, their fate in re-incarnation, the Mbaise- Igbo
consider it absolutely important to accord such a dead parent a proper burial, that is manifest in the elaborate burial rites culturally defined for such passages.

Among Mbaise-Igbo, a person is not yet buried in the proper burial sense until this elaborate burial ceremony popularly known as Okwukwu or ifu onu is carried out for him. Okwukwu as a final rite of passage for the dead Mbaise-Igbo aged parent involves an elaborate feasting and ritual processes.

Deriving from the peoples belief that an accomplished parent, whose children do not bury properly by carrying out the elaborate Okwukwu ceremony will not be accorded a place of honor among other ancestral parents in the here after, and consequently may turn violent against his family members; and especially against the eldest son of the family, who on the death of his father automatically becomes the ofo title holder of his family, the family of such deceased parent continues to live on the edge of life on daily basis, out of fear that some enemies of the deceased family may capitalize of this non performance of the proper burial rites for their father to invoking the spirit of dead parent to come and demand of such sacrificial rite, without which his children will be visited with unexplainable afflictions in the form of death, undiagonisable ailments and all forms of troubles as the case may be.

Okwukwu ceremony in Mbaise

Okwukwu, as a ritual feast is a very elaborate ceremony. It is a ceremony that smacks of showing off wealth. Death being a ritual journey that connects the families of the living and the dead; Okwukwu, therefore, involves the participation of all the family lineages of the deceased person, in whose honor the ritual ceremony takes place: It is a ceremony that involves the kinsmen of the dead person, his maternal home kinsmen, the umuda (family daughters married outside) and umu okele (children whose maternal homes are identified as the village of the deceased person.)

As one ceremony, which affords the Mbaise-Igbo a meaningful opportunity to dramatize all the mythical and superstitious belief systems that shape their world and spiritual imagination, okwukwu ceremony is steeped in a lot of religious rituals.
Among some of these beliefs is that a man must have lived to achieve all that he achieved in life or not, because of the strength of his mind and his hand (hard work) or lack of these, as the case may be. Based on this thinking, on the occasion of death and during the okwukwu ceremony, a deceased person, in whose honor, the ritual feast is called, is taken through a ritual ceremony of physical and spiritual empowerment.

Among the people, the ritual killing of dog popularly called iwa nkita anya or empowering of the eye, is carried out on an Eke market day preceding the Afo market day of the okwukwu ceremony. The ritual of iwa nkita anya is carried out by an appointed person through divination. This ritual executioner of this ritual rite must also be a man of strong will and bold personality. At the appointed day of the ritual, he is expected to go on a procession with other kinsmen of the deceased( umu nna) led by a convoy of other Okwukwu honorees with the dog tied to a rope trailing behind as they walk round the market square amidst fast paced masculine song of egwu awuru a kind of solidarity song accompanying that occasions such a ritual procession. After going round the square, the divined ritual killer of the dog of iwa nkita anya is expected to slash off the head of the dog at one cut of the knife amidst high tempo egwu awuru song rendered in this manner:
Owe ghe e
Aya ghe he e
Owe ghe e
Aye ghe e.
This song, though onomatopoeic in nature, is structured to rhyme with the heroic action of the moment. The symbolic implication of iwa nkita anya ritual is that on re- incarnation, the deceased shall be reborn into the world of the living as a bold, hardworking and fearless character.

It is important to state here that fear is seen as a weakness on the part of the man among the Mbaise people. The case of Unoka, Okonkwo's father in Things Fall Apart represents a classical attitude of the Mbaise-Igbo fears about fear and weakness on the part of man. And the only explanation that can be made about such a tragic personality would be that he was denied proper ritual rites of burial in his previous incarnation; and especially the right of iwa Nkita anya.
After the Nkita anya ritual, the next stage would be the rite of evule obi literarily meaning, killing of ram for the heart. This particular ceremony is not done for every body no matter what age the person may have attained. It is rather, a ritual of respect preserved for the deceased, who lived through a lot of pains and survived them all. The symbolism of this ritual is also buried in the animal used in the ritual, the ram, which on its own, is a very stubborn animal. A never say die, kind of animal.
A day before the burial, the oldest of the okele ( external grandson) to the family of deceased shall lead a procession of all the other okeles of the village in a carnival kind of procession round the village with their den guns slung on their shoulders amidst heroic songs of egwu awuru. As they go from one family to the other round the village singing egwu awuru, they are given presents in the form of money, drinks and agricultural products. In each of the family they are presented with gifts, the Okeles as a way of appreciation,congregate to pray for their host for his recognition and hospitality.
Among Mbaise-Igbo, the prayers of Ndi Okele are believed to have a very strong intercessionary power in the hands of the ancestors at the other plane of existence. Also, on the final day of the Okwukwu ceremony, Ndi okele also go on procession round the market. As they go round the market, they shoot their loaded den guns and through such actions, add glamour to the whole ritual feasting.

Before the Eshe musical performance, which embodies the entire poetics and dramatic essence of the ceremony, the Opara or first son of the deceased, on the day of Okwukwu, which usually takes place on the market day of the community of the deceased, will dress in his best: usually in the typical Igbo dress pattern, comprising of a George wrapper tied around the waist with a fitting isi agu, (Lion head spotting) jumper top and a red cap to match. He is accompanied in this task by other members of the Opara clime, (other first sons from other families, who have done the same burial rites for their fathers), on the market round ceremony. This movement to the market is very symbolic: apart from the fact that a cow, which is the high point of sacrificial object used for the ceremony is equally costumed with different feathers of birds of symbolic beauty and strength, the essence of the market round is to announce to the whole community, that so and so children of the late deceased person are burying their father properly. As the children go round the market in the company of other ndi opara, they are hailed and praised. Often, one would hear one elderly persons or other shout at the top of his voice: Opara mara mma (A son, who is handsome) and another will add: onye nwa liri bara uba (He, who is buried by his children is a wealthy man.) And soon, the whole remark would submerge into a song, usually taken over by the excited carnival patrons and supporters:

"Onye nwa liri bara aba" He, who is buried by children, is a wealthy man.

"Onye nwa liri bara eze" He, who is buried by children is a king.

"Onye nwa liri bara aba" He, who is buried by his children, is a wealthy man.

Having gone the market round with the costumed cow, amidst greetings, praises and canon gun shots; they return back to the house, where the traditional poetic-drama of traditional oration takes place.

Igba Ndu in Igboland

MAN naturally is a social animal that interacts as well as try to adapt to his environment. However because man's nature is influenced by his desires for survival, dominance and control over his environment, this leads to issues of conflict among them. Such conflicts could attain the dangerous dimension of taking of lives, physical and spiritual injuries or material destruction. This can be at individual or group levels or even to communal proportion. The need therefore for conflict resolution of these prevalent issues, to avoid destructions and mistrust among peoples, and which can be of a permanent basis, to ensure peace and security of lives and properties, gave rise to the concept of Igba ndu in Igboland. 

What is Igba Ndu 

The concept Igba ndu literarily means to bond life, Igba stands for bond or tie while ndu means life in Igbo language. However the concept of Igba ndu is better understood as a covenant between individuals or groups. The Igbos are predominantly associated with the Igba ndu, however other groups outside their boarders also have their own concept for covenant or oath taking. The Igbos are found in the south eastern and parts of the south-south geopolitical delineation of present day Nigeria and they are a very industrious, energetic, and enterprising people that speak the Igbo language. They are basically skilled in merchandising, and indulge in agriculture and other economic activities. By the nature of their activities and interactions, there is a high level of socio-economic interaction among them and even beyond their boarders, hence such interactions can and most times give room for mutual and peaceful co-existence as well as mistrust and conflict. Hence the need to institute an idea which can help sustain peaceful co-existence of a lasting time led to Igba ndu. This practice emanated not only out of fear of the unknown, especially with the knowledge that man is inherently wicked, hence to check on the wiles of men, covenants or Igba ndu is entered into to help safeguard the life and confidence of the parties that have entered into the agreement. Another reason for the Igba ndu is as a result of man's desire to maintain peace, orderliness and harmonious living among themselves, hence where such is existing there is the need to consolidate such harmony among peoples.

The concept of Igba ndu is tied to the knowledge of the existence of a supreme being or deities who are very powerful as to intervene in the affairs of men when they are invited and thus dispense justice to defaulters who break the covenant entered. For any Igba ndu to be potent, in most cases it is tied to a deity or god. In Igboland, there are many deities that are involved, depending on the people concerned. Prominent deities such as, Igwe ka ala, Amadioha, Ibinokpabi, Ahiajioku etc, are some of the deities called upon to witness such covenants. The parties to the covenant while swearing will pronounce punishments which the gods are to excise on the defaulters. 

Types of Igba Ndu

There are different types of Igba Ndu just as we have different types of agreements among peoples. The types of Igba ndu can be known in terms of the number of people involved or the type of agreement entered into. For influence, there is Igba ndu that can exists between two individuals, within a family or between two different neighboring communities. Igba ndu can also exist between an individual and a deity. In Igba ndu issues involved range from love, disputes between individuals or communities, trading or business concerns to agreements with the gods for protection or favour by individuals or groups etc. in undertaking Igba ndu certain people are involved; apart from the people concerned, the gods or deities are invoked, the departed ancestors are also involved, elders especially titled men, native doctors or Oha dibias, as well as chief priest of the community, is dependent on the people type of Igba ndu to be entered.

For instance where there is between lovers, only the two lovers and some times dibia are physically involved but the gods and ancestors are called upon as witnesses. Where the Igba ndu involves family or community a larger group of people mentioned are involved and the gods and the ancestors' role is to witness and dispense justice to defaulters or uphold the one that conforms to the covenant.

The dibias are to prepare the relevant concoction as well as make the necessary pronouncements/incantations that make the covenant potent. The chief priests invoke the gods and ancestors as well as participate in the preparation of necessary materials for the covenant ceremony. In some cases, the parties concerned are to come with their witness. These witnesses will attest to the facts of the covenant if anything should happen afterwards. 

Objects needed for Igba Ndu 

In understanding the Igba ndu, some items are required; these items are dependent on the type of Igba ndu. Such items as kola nut, palm wine, hot drink, ofo staff, blood, plantain stalk, cockrel, kaolin (nzu), fresh palm frond, snail, yam etc other none material objects and the incantation made by the priest or dibias, which can not be interpreted, it is privy to the dibias only. In the case of two lovers who want to undertake the Igba ndu, both partners can use a kolanut and dip it into their blood and then make a declaration as to their intention as well as what will befall anyone of them that breaks the covenant, they can call on a deity they believed in as witness, including their ancestors and Ala (the goddess of the earth). After which they eat the kolanut. In the event of a land dispute between either individuals or community the Igba ndu is more elaborate as the group concerned will invite witnesses, elders, the chief priest and dibias. In most cases, the covenant is administered in the shrine after the necessary items have been prepared and incantation made to invoke the ancestors and gods to witness it. In this type, the people concerned are to swear not to harm each other in any way either physically or spiritually any one who goes against the covenant the gods and ancestors will dispense justice. In other instance, a hole is dug and plantain stalk used to cross the hole, the people concerned will be made to cross the makeshift bridge, with a declaration that whosoever breaks the covenant will fall into the pit which signifies endless problems 

Essence of Igba Ndu in Igboland 

The role Igba ndu plays in Igbo society can be best appreciated from the axiom of social control. It is important as it tries to eliminate deep seated hatred and calm frayed nerves especially on issues concerning land disputes, and other communal or individual squabbles. The process of Igba ndu ensures that the parties to a dispute settle such disputes amicably without physical or spiritual attacks on each other. 

Igba ndu is also very important as it strengthens the unity that exists between the individuals, groups or communities. 

It also plays the role of adjudication as it is the final processes of arbitration in which parties concerned, witnesses, ancestors and the gods are involved in the process of ensuring peaceful coexistence, hence when administered it becomes the final process of peaceful resolution as partied concerned have involved the spiritual world to adjudicate on their behalf. 

Thus any default is punished by the gods. 

Igba ndu checks the incidence of witch craft or spiritual or physical attacks, then puts a check to the activities of the wicked against the just in the society.

Penalties for default and the process of appeasement

Igba ndu is a serious covenant that carries a very severe punishment on the defaulter. This punishment if not quickly addressed or appeased will result in a family or generational curse or stigma. A defaulter is known when mysterious occurrence begins to affect his life, such as death, infertility, sickness etc. the penalties for a defaulter is an outcome of the covenant entered into as well as the reaction of the deity in which the covenant is administered. In addition to this is the curse, which is also placed on the defaulter. The penalties also defer in terms of the type of Igba ndu entered into. For instance, in the case of two lovers, the penalty for defaulter, where one breaks the covenant and abandons the relationship could be either madness, barrenness, inability to hold down any relationship or even death. Igba ndu where a deity like the Amadioha is involved has a very disastrous penalty for the defaulter. This can either be stricken down by thunder, mysterious illness that defies medical solution etc. the process of appeasement by the defaulter is tedious, this is so as people will not want to associate with such a person for fear of reprisal attack on them from the gods. It is only when a clearance is gotten from the gods through divination on how to appease the deity and also on how to re integrate the person into the society before he or she is allowed access to people. The gods will determine the items for appeasement, which most times are enormous. It is the chief priest of the deity and the dibias that handle such appeasement rites. Also the person will do rites that will allow him access to people (oriko). In some societies, items of appeasement include, cockerel, palmwine, local bull, ram, tortoise, cowry, yam, palm oil etc. 

Igba Ndu in contemporary times 

The influence of religions has had its impact on the appreciation and promotion of our rich cultural attributes including Igba Ndu.

However, there are some few who still believe in the efficacy and powers of our deities. These few have tenaciously held on to the cultural practice such as the Igba Ndu and other aspects of our cultures that recognize our deities in societal control. Though they are few but yet they have been able to ensure that these practices do not fizzle away into oblivious.

By Alloysius Duru

MBAISE, HAPPY IRIJI-OHUO celebration!

MBAISE, HAPPY IRIJI-OHUO celebration!

So sad that everthing cultural seems to be overrun by politics. The culture is no more what it was. The story about Iri ji Mbaise is so interesting.
Legends have it that the cradle of creation took place in Ezinihitte Mbaise at “Orie-ukwu” with the birth of five clans-EZINIHITTE, OKE-OVORO, AGBAJA, AHIARA AND EKWEREAZU. In those ancient days, the celebration of annual Iriji took place in every village and town in Mbaise on an important market day of the week like –ORIE-UKWU, EKE-UKWU, AFO-UKWU, OR NKWO-UKWU. The cultivation and planting of farm crops between January to end of May resulted in shortage of food. Families would feed on little available food. This famine period would continue through the end of July when the first species of yam called “Ji-Igwe” would be harvested. This particular species of yam is nicknamed “cut and come again” because when you dig and cut off the early tuber leaving the head underground, it will grow and produce another tuber which will be planted in the next cropping season.The fathers of the households in the villages and towns would be very happy and thankful to God for having survived the famine.To them, this wonder of nature calls for celebration hence a day was set aside for the celebration named “Iriji-Ohuo” -New yam Festival. Ahiajoku is the acclaimed god of farm crops especially yam. During the celebration, prayers and libation would flow in praise and thanksgiving to god of yam.

Before the advent of Christianity, early inhabitants of the Mbaise Nation, “our great grand parents” had Ahiajoku shrine in every household where food and drinks were offered to the Ahiajoku god. Fowls, Goats, Sheep were used as sacrifice. They had the notion of mini gods and one supreme God, the Almighty and Creator of all things.
There are farmers in every village and town who grow and harvest more yams than others. These great farmers were given the prestigious title of “EZEJI”.
They are acclaimed as having the largest farms and could feed hundreds of people with out running out of supply. Though the Ezeji title holders regard Iriji as their particular ceremony, the event is for every person big and small. In the modern age, yam which is the head of farm crops have come to symbolize among other things in our lives—-accomplishments, jobs, productivity in your field, overcoming adversity, another birthday, etc.

On the 15th of August every year, Mbaise people all over the world must celebrate this thanksgiving event individually or collectively with friends and well wishers. They come together to celebrate their achievements and accomplishments over the year with special thanksgiving to God.

Ezeji cultivates the yams, owns the yams, harvest the yams and gives them to people to eat.
It is the role of the Ezeji to roast and cook yams enough to feed the masses that attend the ceremony.
The Ezejis are great and powerful landowners. Ezeji title holder is expected to be an outstanding personality in the community.
Ezeji people play important role in the settlement of land disputes. They pray and bless the new yam, taste it and give it to others to eat.

A ceremony officially marking the eating of new yam

Iriji is sustained and nurtured by Ezeji title holders. Other supporting groups include EZURUEZU MBAISE, MBAISE PEOPLES CONGRESS, NDI EZE MBAISE OR THE TRADITIONAL RULERS. Iriji annual event attracts people from all over the world. It has attracted Chief executives, top government officials, governors and vice presidents over the years. It has become a symbol of unity and home coming for Mbaise sons and daughters.

Unlike many other people, the Mbaise person cultivates and farm in other communities outside his town. The real Mbaise man or woman is hospitable and kind.
He is strong and can withstand hardship. He plays host to unknown visitors. You will find him in almost all parts of the world including areas with harsh climatic conditions and difficult terrain. He hates cheating and will always stand out bold to claim his right. There is a famous axiom that the fifth person in any Igbo gathering is an Mbaise person or that person knows an Mbaise person as a friend or in-law.

Marriage And Divorce in Igboland

 

The sanctity of marital union is on aspect of Igbo culture that has remained very strong in spite of the pressure from modern religion and western culture. This is probably because the church as well as Igbo society have realised the great values contained the the marital tradition of Igbo land. 

In the first place, unlike the western culture which regards marriage as a union between a man and a woman, Igbos regard marriage as a union between families, kindreds, societies and nations. When a man marries a woman, he instantly becomes an extended member of his wive’s family. This also applies to the woman. For this reason, a marriage contract is usually drawn between families (where the two parties are of same community) or between communities (where they are of different communities). It is contracted in the presence of kindred of both families. Depending on the Igbo community involved, the steps involved in a marital contract range between four and seven. During the process of taking the steps, all doubts about the character of the bride and groom are resolved. This includes the character of the families and lineage (agburu) from which they came. Unacceptable traits discovery means that the other party may decide to withdraw from the contract before the marriage is completed.
Most of the steps involve asking of questions (iju ajuju) concerning the character of the bride and the groom to avert any traits that could possibly lead to a quarrels or separation in the future. Another important step is the ineta uma (to know the character) or what may be called courtship. During this time, the girl involved goes to live with her suitor for a few weeks. She is able to know the personality and character of her future husband and to have hers known also. The marriage process is usually so complex and the tradition forbids anyone to rush into a marriage without going through the processes.

The culture recognises marriage as a life-time contract which must never be broken. It also recognises that marriages are not a bed of roses and advises their children in-line with this belief. It insists that a man or woman must maintain his marriage in all conditions and must always reconditions his/herself to ensure the survival of his/her marital life. There is a saying that “a wife/husband is like a parcel. No one can know the content very well. But when you get home, whatever you find in your own parcel, you take it as it is. If you are lucky, you could find a delicious soup and pounded yam to enjoy. But if you are unlucky, you might find a snake or a scorpion. Whichever you find, you have learn to live with it.”
Divorce does exists but is very rarely resorted to. The culture frowns seriously at divorce. People who are divorced are blamed no matter the excuses they give. It is assumed that they were just incapable of managing a family. Neither of the families will encourage the break-up of a marriage of their children. The process of divorce is equally so complex and difficult. This makes it that people who are divorced find it difficult to marry someone else as people avoid them in belief that they do not have acceptable and marriageable way of life. Most of them usually have to go to the cities where they could marry someone who was of a different town or tribe. Yet the ajuju (questions) step in the new marriage they plan to contract will usually stall their plans as their new suitor discovers that they are “martially in-acceptable”. Such people may end up either marrying non-Igbos or remain unmarried for the rest of their lives.

The process of divorce is also very complex and this discourages divorce itself. The families of both partners will have to gather many times in the way in which they had gathered to contract the marriage. They do not gather to dissolve the marriage but to resolve the problems involving their children’s family. The first to gather will usually be the kindred of the male who usually aims at discovering the reasons why their son’s marriage suffers. After critically looking into the issue, they will issues blames and advises to both man and wife and this will rekindle the peace and life in the family. If a fault is found in the lady, they might (in a difficult situation) refer her to her own father’s family to advice and counsel her. 

No one person or couple can by any means contract a marriage and no one can dissolve it. Most times, family member will refuse vehemently to get involve in dissolving a marriage since this is viewed as unacceptable to the ancestors. It is said that even the ancestors had problems in their marriages and since problems are inevitable, but if they resorted to divorce, would never have given birth to us. Why should we therefore resort to breaking our own marriage rather than given birth to another generation? Since the couple cannot dissolve the marriage without the kindred, they most time get tired by the complexity of the resolution process and end up going home to manage their family affairs. They also learn better family management from the more experienced elders in their kindred. Divorce is a last but very rare resort in Igboland.
A man who chooses to become polygamous does so to bring a helping hand to his older wife. He most time discusses with her and sometime involves her in making the choice of the bride. A man will not marry a new wife in order to slight an older one. In this way, a new wife respects and adores an older one knowing that her marriage was sanctioned by her. Love is usually shared equally among the wives. Any view that a man favours one wife above another is frown at by the culture. A man will therefore not divorce a wife because he had or prefers another. Polygamy in Igboland involves complementary and not supplementary wives. This is the reason why a man will rarely marry a new wife against the wish of his older wife. This is also why modernity has gradually moved Igbos toward monogamy since most women now prefer to live as lone wives rather than have nwunye di (co-wives). The new institution of monogamy, besides being regarded as economically wiser, shows the choice of Igbo women and exemplifies the respect which Igbo men have for their wives.

The Okonko Traditional Men’s Society

By Lazarus A. Emenogu

“Okonko-Ekpe” by D. L. K. Nnachy

Today we speak of the white man’s government as if we had no government in the past. The Okonko was an ancient society which served as a traditional system of government before the advent of the white man. The Okonko enforced the verdicts of the Amala (village assembly). In the past, if the Okonko music was played near the house of anybody, anxiety was created as to the reason for the beating of the drum. And if a palm leaf was left behind the man’s house, it meant that the person was to appear before the Okonko court of appeal. As at present, there was then no age limit for whoever wanted to be a member of the society. But then, only men of proven character and without any shameful past were accepted into the Okonko society. When we people talk of a better government today, we laugh because any thief can be in government because he has the money.

Okonko Masqueraders

Whenever there was a stalemate it any Okonko decision, the Okonko society would consult other recognized Okonko societies in other areas for mediation. Non-members of the Okonko society were known as “Okpo” and they were forbidden to go near or greet Okonko members when they were in the full session. To be recognized as a full member of the Okonko society, one must go through the Ida iyi ceremony which is as follows:

The rite is performed at midnight, when the atmosphere is charged. The man that is to be initiated is surrounded by the old members and a palm frond (omu) is placed between his lips to enforce silence. The members taunt and harass him. The priests now reveal about seven secrets to him, which he is not to reveal to any person. I shall not tell you these secrets either, since you an “Okpo.”

Okonko from Ibeku

The new member is paraded round the village, after which he comes back to the Okonko base. Later they move towards the stream or river. As they near it, the new member is exposed to the Ida iyi ceremony thereafter, the new initiated remains for about 14 days in hiding before he comes out. Non-members are warned not to come near the roads leading to all the streams or rivers in the area. Marketplaces are blocked with palm leaves. Before the Ida iyi ceremony, the novice is expected to offer a goat, seven eggs, four bottles of homemade gin, a white cock, ten large yams and one alligator pepper. These things, including a he-goat and a caly pot, are to be presented on the following Orie market day.

Young boy and masquerade at Okonko Festival in Ihitte/Uboma

The chief priest prepares yam in a hot pepper soup (mmiri oku ji) which every Okonko member partakes. During this Ida iyi ceremony, women are not supposed to see the members of the society. The traditional belief is that any woman who sees a member of the society will surely die, unless she brings a ram and alligator pepper -this is to facilitate her reincarnation- and stays one month in hiding. The Okonko society is highly respected, and during the Ida iyi ceremony which lasts for seven days, members from far and wide dressed in different Okonko attires attend. Even compared with the white man’s rule then, Okonko as an instrument of government has no rival. The most important objective of every government is to enjoy the loyalty of the governed, and this the Okonko enjoyed before the white man brought his own government. Okonko has three stages of initiation which are as follows: Akang, Mboko and Ekpe. Once you go through the three initiations, you become an Ezumezu. Once you become an Ezumezu, at this stage, one is very competant to discuss the affiars of this great ancient society.

Ebi Masquerade at Okonko Festival in Ihitte/Uboma

Palm Wine and Its Importance In Traditional Igbo Society

Palm wine in Igbo land comes in two sources: nkwu (palm tree) - the source of the palm wine known as "Mmanya Nkwu", and ngwo (rafia palm tree) - the source of the palm wine, known as "Mmanya Ngwo". Each of the palm wine categories are regarded with different respects. Each has different functions in different occasions, depending on of course, how that particular area or village regards it.
In production, they are tapped in much the same way, by climbing to the required height or to the neck of the palm tree and cutting ducts, under which are placed local mugs (calabashes) or plastic gallons.

In some areas, the "Mmanya nkwu" is tapped also from a fallen palm tree. However, it is worth mentioning that the quantity of "Mmanya ngwo" obtainable from the palm tree is usually about thrice that of "Mmanya nkwu" within the same time limit.
In taste, they are also different while "Mmanya ngwo" tastes very sweet (sugary) but goes sour (fermentation) within a shorter duration. The "Mmanya nkwu" has a unique sweet, but pleasant taste which it maintains for a longer duration. Some areas in Igboland regard "Mmanya nkwu" better than "'Mmanya ngwo". This preference sometimes depends on the availability of one over the other in that area. Hence in some areas, traditional marriage and bride price ceremonies are not honoured with "mmanya ngwo", some other areas can accept "mmanya ngwo" where "mmanya nkwu" is not available. In some areas, the preferred kind of wine is employed in settling land disputes, in traditional gatherings, marriages, burials, festivities, land leasing occasions, among a host of other activities and ceremonies too numerous to mention.
When being served in any occasion ,the associated rules are obeyed. In any gathering, it is the youngest man or male that serves the wine, which is usually drunk traditionally in either elephant tusks or cow horns for titled men. There is also another drinking cup called "Okuku", a small type of cup made from a calabash. The young man serving will hold the wine container (calabash or gallon) on his left lap (thigh) and supports it with his left hand, while he holds the tusk or horn ("mpi" or "Okuku" - calabash cup) in his right hand. 

The first one he serves is handed to the host to drink. The second goes to himself, while the third goes to the eldest man in the gathering.
After all the formalities, the rest of the men are equal, and are served except for titled men who are served first before the others. But if the young man is to serve the wine standing, he holds the base of the container with his right hand and the neck with his left hand, while the partakers holds out their cups for him to pour out the wine. This is not the case for a woman. If she is to be served the wine, the young man pours it himself and hands the cup of wine to her, who in turn receives it with both hands as mark of respect and honour. She must not drink it while standing in the gathering; she squats down or sits somewhere before drinking it. If at any point the young man decides to shake the container to make for even concentration, he must first drop the container on the ground before he continues serving and the first person to tap him will receive a cup of wine.
The last cup of palm wine which contains the dregs (Ugwu mmanya) is usually given as a mark of honour to the eldest or the host. The Igbo man, you may infer, is actually rich in culture and tradition.

Igba Ndu In Igboland

MAN naturally is a social animal that interacts as well as try to adapt to his environment. However because man's nature is influenced by his desires for survival, dominance and control over his environment, this leads to issues of conflict among them. Such conflicts could attain the dangerous dimension of taking of lives, physical and spiritual injuries or material destruction. This can be at individual or group levels or even to communal proportion. The need therefore for conflict resolution of these prevalent issues, to avoid destructions and mistrust among peoples, and which can be of a permanent basis, to ensure peace and security of lives and properties, gave rise to the concept of Igba ndu in Igboland.

What is Igba Ndu

The concept Igba ndu literarily means to bond life, Igba stands for bond or tie while ndu means life in Igbo language. However the concept of Igba ndu is better understood as acovenant between individuals or groups. The Igbos are predominantly associated with the Igba ndu, however other groups outside their boarders also have their own concept for covenant or oath taking. The Igbos are a very industrious, energetic, and enterprising people. They are basically skilled in merchandising, and indulge in agriculture and other economic activities. By the nature of their activities and interactions, there is a high level of socio-economic interaction among them and even beyond their boarders, hence such interactions can and most times give room for mutual and peaceful co-existence as well as mistrust and conflict. Hence the need to institute an idea which can help sustain peaceful co-existence of a lasting time led to Igba ndu. This practice emanated not only out of fear of the unknown, especially with the knowledge that man is inherently wicked, hence to check on the wiles of men, covenants or Igba ndu is entered into to help safeguard the life and confidence of the parties that have entered into the agreement. Another reason for the Igba ndu is as aresult of man's desire to maintain peace, orderliness and harmonious living among themselves, hence where such is existing there is the need to consolidate such harmony among peoples.
The concept of Igba ndu is tied to the knowledge of the existence of a supreme being or deities who are very powerful as to intervene in the affairs of men when they are invited and thus dispense justice to defaulters who break the covenant entered. For any Igba ndu to be potent, in most cases it is tied to a deity or god. In Igboland, there are many deities that are involved, depending on the people concerned. Prominent deities such as, Igwe ka ala, Amadioha, Ibinokpabi, Ahiajioku etc, are some of the deities called upon to witness such covenants. The parties to the covenant while swearing will pronounce punishments which the gods are to excise on the defaulters.

Types of Igba Ndu

There are different types of Igba Ndu just as we have different types of agreements among peoples. The types of Igba ndu can be known in terms of the number of people involved or the type of agreement entered into. For influence, there is Igba ndu that can exist between two individuals, within a family or between two different neighboring communities. Igba ndu can also exist between an individual and a deity. In Igba ndu issues involved range from love, disputes between individuals or communities, trading or business concerns to agreements with the gods for protection or favour by individuals or groups etc. in undertaking Igba ndu certain people are involved; apart from the people concerned, the gods or deities are invoked, the departed ancestors are also involved, elders especially titled men, native doctors or Oha dibias, as well as chief priest of the community, is dependent on the people type of Igba ndu to be entered.
For instance where there is between lovers, only the two lovers and some times dibia are physically involved but the gods and ancestors are called upon as witnesses. Where the Igba ndu involves family or community a larger group of people mentioned are involved and the gods and the ancestors' role is to witness and dispense justice to defaulters or uphold the one that conforms to the covenant.
The dibias are to prepare the relevant concoction as well as make the necessary pronouncements/incantations that make the covenant potent. The chief priests invoke the gods and ancestors as well as participate in the preparation of necessary materials for the covenant ceremony. In some cases, the parties concerned are to come with their witness. These witnesses will attest to the facts of the covenant if anything should happen afterwards.

Objects needed for Igba Ndu

In understanding the Igba ndu, some items are required; these items are dependent on the type of Igba ndu. Such items as kola nut, palm wine, hot drink, ofo staff, blood, plantain stalk, cockrel, kaolin (nzu), fresh palm frond, snail, yam etc other none material objects and the incantation made by the priest or dibias, which can not be interpreted, it is privy to the dibias only. In the case of two lovers who want to undertake the Igba ndu, both partners can use a kola nut and dip it into their blood and then make a declaration as to their intention as well as what will befall anyone of them that breaks the covenant, they can call on adeity they believed in as witness, including their ancestors and Ala (the goddess of the earth). After which they eat the kola nut. In the event of a land dispute between either individuals or community the Igba ndu is more elaborate as the group concerned will invite witnesses, elders, the chief priest and dibias. In most cases, the covenant is administered in the shrine after the necessary items have been prepared and incantation made to invoke the ancestors and gods to witness it. In this type, the people concerned are to swear not to harm each other in any way either physically or spiritually any one who goes against the covenant the gods and ancestors will dispense justice. In other instance, a hole is dug and plantain stalk used to cross the hole, the people concerned will be made to cross the makeshift bridge, with a declaration that whosoever breaks the covenant will fall into the pit which signifies endless problems.

Essence of Igba Ndu in Igboland

The role Igba ndu plays in Igbo society can be best appreciated from the axiom of social control. It is important as it tries to eliminate deep seated hatred and calm frayed nerves especially on issues concerning land disputes, and other communal or individual squabbles. The process of Igba ndu ensures that the parties to a dispute settle such disputes amicably without physical or spiritual attacks on each other.
Igba ndu is also very important as it strengthens the unity that exists between the individuals, groups or communities.
It also plays the role of adjudication as it is the final processes of arbitration in which parties concerned, witnesses, ancestors and the gods are involved in the process of ensuring peaceful coexistence, hence when administered it becomes the final process of peaceful resolution as partied concerned have involved the spiritual world to adjudicate on their behalf.
Thus any default is punished by the gods.
Igba ndu checks the incidence of witch craft or spiritual or physical attacks, then puts a check to the activities of the wicked against the just in the society.
Penalties for default and the process of appeasement
Igba ndu is a serious covenant that carries a very severe punishment on the defaulter. This punishment if not quickly addressed or appeased will result in a family or generational curse or stigma. A defaulter is known when mysterious occurrence begins to affect his life, such as death, infertility, sickness etc. the penalties for a defaulter is an outcome of the covenant entered into as well as the reaction of the deity in which the covenant is administered. In addition to this is the curse, which is also placed on the defaulter. The penalties also defer in terms of the type of Igba ndu entered into. For instance, in the case of two lovers, the penalty for defaulter, where one breaks the covenant and abandons the relationship could be either madness, barrenness, inability to hold down any relationship or even death. Igba ndu where a deity like the Amadioha is involved has a very disastrous penalty for the defaulter. This can either be stricken down by thunder, mysterious illness that defies medical solution etc. the process of appeasement by the defaulter is tedious, this is so as people will not want to associate with such a person for fear of reprisal attack on them from the gods. It is only when a clearance is gotten from the gods through divination on how to appease the deity and also on how to re integrate the person into the society before he or she is allowed access to people. The gods will determine the items for appeasement, which most times are enormous. It is the chief priest of the deity and the dibias that handle such appeasement rites. Also the person will do rites that will allow him access to people (oriko). In some societies, items of appeasement include, cockerel, palmwine, local bull, ram, tortoise, cowry, yam, palm oil etc.

Igba Ndu in contemporary times

The influence of religions has had its impact on the appreciation and promotion of our rich cultural attributes including Igba Ndu.
However, there are some few who still believe in the efficacy and powers of our deities. These few have tenaciously held on to the cultural practice such as the Igba Ndu and other aspects of our cultures that recognize our deities in societal control. Though they are few but yet they have been able to ensure that these practices do not fizzle away into oblivious.

By A. Duru

People’s Assembly popularly called Ala Di Nma

In Alike community and indeed other communities of Obowu L.G.A, Imo State South East Nigeria, the People’s Assembly popularly called Ala Di Nma (literarily meaning “the land is well”) exists in various villages and hamlets for the purpose of deliberation on matters affecting peace, unity, infrastructural provision, taxation, among others. The unique feature of Ala Di Nma is the capability of the assembly to provide “Alternative Judicial Service” similar to the multi-door courthouse for alternative dispute resolution relating to family feuds, land matters, stealing/theft cases, marital issues, crimes and criminalities among others. The assembly presides over these cases as reported to it, passes and enforces judgment. Traditional laws and norms set by the ancestors, cultural practices, and moral standards are the codes applied in settling cases.

Composition of Ala Di Nma Assembly

Ala Di Nma assembly in Alike autonomous community comprises men who performed Iwa Akwa rite (a ceremony that transits a child to adulthood) and married women. Occasionally, advanced-in-age single mothers could be allowed to participate in the assembly. Every member of the community who meets these criteria is usually compulsorily a member.  
However, some community members may as a result of religious belief opt out of the assembly, sometimes citing the Federal laws of Nigeria which allow freedom of association as a right of a citizen. Worthy of note is the presence of the council of Chief Priests of different gods of the land for oath administration and ranting of curses when and where necessary using their staff of authority or Ofo. Recently, oath taking using the Holy Bible has been introduced for Christians who opt for it.

Leadership of the Assembly

The assembly is headed by a Chairman called Onye isi oche Ala Di Nma. Usually, a person is appointed into such office by voice vote, and must hold a traditional title, had previously exhibited sterling leadership quality and transparency, as well as be eloquent in speech making. A secretary to document all proceedings of the assembly is selected among educated men of the assembly. An elders’ council comprising mainly title holders of Nze, Ichie, and other titled men preside over the assembly as judges. Women are not allowed to hold any office. Members of elders’ council represent each clan of the community. The traditional Monarch, the Eze, is usually not a member of the assembly as the community may decide to split into smaller Ala Di Nma units for faster dispensation of cases. However, for cases considered to be grievous such as the defilement of sacred laws of the land, murder, rape, among others, His Royal Highness, the Eze and his cabinet will be briefed by the elders for stiffer penalties like banishment, exile or prosecution by the relevant authorities of the nation.

Ala Di Nma Session

The assembly holds its session once every eight market days. For instance, Ala Di Nma Alike holds its session on Nkwo Alike market day which comes once in every eight days. The session starts around 8:00 am and concludes about mid-day to allow people participate in the business of the market which commences at 3:00 pm. During the session, no eligible member of the community will be absent except the elderly, the sick and those in Diaspora. No farming, trading or any other business will be allowed to take place. Defaulters are fined in accordance with guidelines set by the elders’ council. Young men especially members of the last age grade that had performed Iwa Akwa rite, are delegated to demand and collect fines from defaulters.


Instituting a Case

An aggrieved individual can institute a case against someone by reporting the matter to the leadership and elders of the assembly with any amount like N5,000. An elder will be delegated to the accused that a case has been instituted against him for N5,000. He is expected to report to the leadership with the same amount where a date for hearing will be fixed. At the end of judgment, if the complainant wins the case, the accused loses the money to the assembly, while the complainant regains his money. Conversely, if the accused is acquitted, the complainant will forfeit his money to the assembly, while the accused recovers his money.

Case Proceedings and Settlement

On the appointed date, the complainant is called to the centre to lay his complaint before the Ala Di Nma assembly. Thereafter, the defence is asked to respond to all the allegations. Both the complainant and the defence are required to call witnesses where relevant. Any interested member of the assembly may cross-examine all parties to the case. In some instances especially in land matters, delegates may visit the scene for appraisal and report back to the assembly. Before a judgment is entered, consultation will be made among the leadership, council of elders and Chief Priests. Every judgment is confirmed by a chorus of Iseee!, meaning Amen, which rants the air after pronouncement by the Chairman. In cases where judgment cannot easily be delivered due to lack of evidence, mystery, ambiguity or other unresolved issues, the council of Chief Priests will be called to commit the judgment to the gods. Death or permanent disability is expected sign of the direction of the judgment of the gods. Occasionally, oath taking is employed to decide ambiguous cases. Sometimes, the outcome of such judgment is not instantaneous. When eventually it occurs, the deceased or affected family will be asked to provide materials for sacrifice including goat to appease the gods from extending the judgment beyond the victim. However, this is now optional to Christians based on years of agitation.

Enforcement of Judgment

Enforcement of judgment is carried out by age grade nominated for that assignment. Where the person affected belongs to a younger age grade, members of his grade will be used to execute the judgment. However, in cases of the elderly, a younger age grade will enforce judgment. In cases of realignment of land boundary, the elders’ council will execute the judgment. All monies realized from case settlements are reserved for community development.

Significance of Ala Di Nma Assembly

Ala Di Nma assembly came into existence in the 1970s to address growing violence, family feuds and moral decadence introduced in the society due to the effects of the Nigeria-Biafra civil war. Over the years, the assembly has continued to provide an avenue for peaceful dispute resolution. It is perceived as crime against the community for any native to engage the services of the police or apply court means to seek redress for a dispute within the community without reporting the matter to Ala Di Nma assembly. This type of multi-door courthouse provides an alternative jurisprudence using traditional laws, culture and norms of the people. The outcome of the resolution or judgment leaves no victor nor vanquish.

Traditional burial rites in Igboland

Among the Igbo people of southeastern Nigeria, death is traditionally a highly ritualized event filled with deep mourning.The traditional burial rites involve not one, but two funerals whose main intention is to safely escort the deceased from the realm of the living to the spirit world. Only after a successful second funeral can the deceased pass from the time of "ita okazi" -- a period of torment -- into a state of peace and contentment.

IMMEDIATE PREPARATIONS

According to "Igbo Funeral Rites Today: Anthropological and Theological Perspectives," when an elderly man or woman dies, the corpse is immediately stretched out on plantain leaves, sponged down thoroughly and rubbed with camwood dye to mark it as sacred. After the cleaning, the body is laid out in the living room, lying down with the feet facing the entry way-- though if the deceased is a woman, she is often seated upright. Sometimes, women are also carried in a stretcher back to their ancestral village for burial.

THE WAKE

Once the body has been prepared for its passage from the world of the living into the spirit world, a wake is held. The eldest son of the bereaved family welcomes the community into the home with kola nuts and palm wine. Prayers and libations are spoken to beckon ancestral spirits into the home to escort the spirit of the deceased. The wake lasts the whole night until gun shots are fired early the next morning to alert the surrounding village of the death that has occurred.

FIRST BURIAL

After the wake takes place, the body is immediately buried in a grave dug in the living room. Also enclosed are a large quantity of cloth and some of the deceased's most valued possessions in life. Men are often buried with their tools, gun or fishing gear, and women with their pots and dishes. The body is then placed in the grave by young men and encased in wooden planks.

SECOND BURIAL

The first burial, however, is not the end of Igbo funeral rites. Several months or even a year after the body is buried, a second funeral is held, but this time, it is accompanied by feasting and merry-making rather than mourning.Visitors dress in their best attire, and sing and dance to alert the community of the event that is about to be held. After the second funeral, the deceased is said to have been sent off to take up a new place in the land of the dead.